Georgia in the common European home

Citation

Shevardnaze, E. (1999), "Georgia in the common European home", European Business Review, Vol. 99 No. 6. https://doi.org/10.1108/ebr.1999.05499fab.002

Georgia in the common European home

Eduard Shevardnaze

Eduard Shevardnaze is the President of Georgia

Keywords Council of Europe, National cultures, Cooperation, Georgia, Crisis management

I want to commend the Council of Europe for the commitment it has demonstrated to the ideals of democracy, human rights, pluralism and the rule of law. Informed with this commitment, the Organization has during its 50 years of service made a remarkable contribution to the promotion of universal human values.

First and foremost, it has been manifested in the establishment of the "European Public Order", as a common political, legal and, I presume to say, cultural space.

Similarly to the majority of the currently functioning international organizations, the Council of Europe was formed in the post-World War II period. It was established to facilitate Europe's recovery, although its impact came to be limited to the Western democracies by the Cold War. Under those circumstances, the idea of creating a single family of nations was doomed. Eastern Europe, along with the peoples of the Soviet Empire, was isolated from Western civilization behind the Iron Curtain.

With this in mind, there is little doubt that the second most significant event in recent European history after the defeat of fascism was the end of the Cold War. It provided a historic opportunity to restore and further develop the European cultural area, and this, in fact, became the key objective of the renewed Council of Europe.

The process breathed new life into the European idea, and a number of post-Soviet countries, including those of Eastern Europe, regained their rightful places in the common European family.

The birth of independent Georgia occurred amid these developments. We regard ourselves as part of the European space, the one we are going to rely upon for our security and democratic development in the future.

Being within the boundaries of the "European Public Order area", Georgia not only shares its common values, but is also committed to making her own contribution to its development. Georgia's admission into the Council, which we regard as the approval of our foreign and domestic policies, is an important prerequisite for our activities to that effect.

Georgia has rejoined Europe bringing along not only a rich history of millennia-old statehood, but also a forward-looking present, an essentially civic society based on the rule of law and emerging social market economy. We have adopted a new constitution, held free and fair Presidential and Parliamentary elections, begun judicial reform and established the Constitutional Court.

It is important to note that reform has mainly been aimed at institutionalizing the respect for human rights. The new civil and procedural codes have been adopted, the supervision of penitentiaries - currently the responsibility of the Ministry of Interior - is being transferred to the purview of the Ministry of Justice, capital punishment has been abolished, and the post of the Public Defender, the Ombudsman, has been established.

The tidal wave of change has swept through almost every field. The system of residence permits was abolished. This has enhanced the ability of citizens to move freely and choose their place of residence. Georgia has also created an environment conducive to the activities of independent mass media and non-governmental organizations.

Let me particularly point out Georgia's close cooperation with the Council in harmonizing various aspects of the country's legal system with the European standards. Georgia has already acceded to a number of conventions adopted under the auspices of the Council of Europe. The beginning of the most important stage of our relations was marked by the Council's approval of the 1999 Cooperation Programme between Georgia and the Council of Europe in the areas of law and human rights.

Our representatives are participating as observers in the work of the Council's Committee on the Fight against Corruption, which is now drafting a Convention of Civil Law on Corruption.

The fight against corruption has become the top priority of Georgia's state policy. Not only have we signed the Council's Convention of Criminal Law on Corruption, but we are in fact working now to create a special enforcement agency to specifically address instances of corruption.

With the assistance of the international community, we have completed the first phase of judicial reform, whose ultimate goal is the establishment of an independent, impartial judiciary.

Despite differences in attitudes toward the means and ways of bringing about reform, our people support this process. The adoption of the Law on the Common Court and the appointment of new judges in accordance with today's requirements clearly have been a significant step toward the irreversibility of these reforms.

Let me single out certain criteria set by the Council of Europe which Georgia is obligated to meet. We are aware that these criteria are linked with problems in our society which are capable of crippling democratic development unless boldly addressed and resolved. Therefore, meeting them fully concurs with our outlook on Georgia's future.

Gaining our rightful place in the Council of Europe, a long and painstaking process, is all the more important since Georgia views her cooperation with the Council as a core guarantee of the irreversibility of democratic development in the country.

I wish to stress that Georgia's future role will not be confined to helping strengthen "European Public Order" alone. We also see ourselves facilitating the diffusion of this order throughout the South Caucasus. In this regard, the meeting of the Chairmen of the Parliaments of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia took place in Strasbourg on 15 March 1999, at the initiative of the Council of Europe and the Chairman of the Parliamentary Assembly Lord Russell Johnstone.

The expansion of European Order into our neighbouring Caucasian states will become an important factor in institutionalizing and developing the relations among the Caucasian states. It will also have a positive impact on the settlement of regional conflicts and on strengthening European security.

Let me express the sincere hope that Azerbaijan and Armenia will soon become fully-fledged members of the Council of Europe.

The respect for human rights within the framework of the "European Public Order" is a kind of quintessence of the European Convention on Human Rights. We tend to believe that the objectives of "European Public Order" should be more comprehensively defined. Namely, these objectives should encompass security at every level of social hierarchy, whether for individuals, groups, a community or a nation. This very criterion should be employed as a gauge when we speak about the effectiveness of "mutually complementary and interlocking" European institutions.

Within such an order, it is not admissible to grade the conflicts in the European space or classify some of them as "frozen". Within the European order, the ethnic cleansing perpetrated in Kosovo is just as disastrous as that carried out against the Georgian population in Abkhazia, one of the regions of Georgia where over 250,000 people were driven out of their homes.

More than once, have we warned the international community that the widespread "low intensity" conflicts may carry a destructive charge. The seemingly negligible ethnic confrontations, sometimes referred to as local conflicts, may spawn a chain reaction, prompting another global confrontation. Kosovo's example offers grounds for this kind of speculation.

Despite the fact that international organizations have long faced challenges like aggressive separatism and ethnic or religious conflict, so far they have not moved beyond mere rhetoric and watered down declarations.

The aftermath of what I would describe as a "disorder" with regard to internal conflicts has laid a tragic burden on Georgia as well.

I must categorically declare that European order cannot prevail - and will even lose its meaning altogether - if each and every conflict in the European space fails to receive equal attention and effort. The Council of Europe need to consider this. The developments in Kosovo are far more complex and extensive than just an isolated case occurring in one country. Two completely different outlooks on international order are facing off here - one based on the ideology of authoritarianism, the other on the principles underpinning free, open societies. The conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia is another clear reflection of this face-off.

I believe that the best way to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia is through a peace process conducted under the auspices of the United Nations. The attitude of the Georgian Government towards this question remains unchanged. Abkhazia should accept autonomous status within the federation in which the rights of every individual will be respected and the Abkhaz as an ethnic minority will enjoy the right to secure, unimpeded development.

Our achievements in the settlement of the Georgian-Ossetian conflict and the ongoing constructive bilateral dialogue reflect overall policy chosen by the Georgian government with regard to conflict resolution. It genuinely incorporates the interests of all the ethnic groups residing in the country.

I came to Strasbourg from Washington DC, where the NATO and Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council Summits were held. Documents adopted at these forums will largely determine what Europe and beyond will be like in the years to come. Although in this century we have left behind the two World Wars and the Cold War that lasted nearly 50 years, the future still does not look cloudless. Among other things, it may also be attributed to a serious shift that has occurred in our consciousness and can hardly be explained in rational terms. Our instincts for threats appear to have slackened, and as a result, we forgive indiscriminately, and even regard appeasement as a hallmark of the most civilized behaviour.

A tepid response to the crimes against humanity perpetrated today is much like blinding one's eyes to the Nazi crimes would have been. The scale may be different, but the nature of the offences is similar. What are the guarantees then, that our inaction and the excessive forgiveness will not eventually bring about the same tragic results?

As a matter of fact, nor have the crimes committed by Bolsheviks received fair assessments. The ethnic cleansing perpetrated today by criminal regimes can be traced back to those old times when in the vast territory of the Soviet Union, and in the Caucasus in particular, whole villages and cities, even entire nations or religious groups, were cleansed overnight.

Present-day theorists and practitioners of ethnic cleansing make good use of peace talks. By endlessly procrastinating, they try to legitimize the consequences of their crimes and to perpetrate an unfair status quo. Peace talks ought not to turn into an end in themselves. Unless they help restore justice, the very concept of the peace process may be discredited.

So when there is a credible democratic force which, therefore, has the moral right to defend respective values, not only is it wrong to denounce it for so doing, but it should be considered a duty of such a force to use peace enforcement methods when other means have been exhausted.

I know it is wrong to quote oneself, but where else if not here in the heart of Europe am I obliged to repeat something I have said in Washington: A complete overhaul in the existing security mechanisms that were formed in a different epoch for different purposes is imperative? The attempts to adapt the changing contemporary world to existing charters, perceptions, and traditions are completely wrong. Rather we should act the other way round - that is, adjust currently available instruments to the emerging new reality and develop the ability to respond appropriately to new threats. Without strong guarantees of security and diplomacy backed by force, including the actual enforcement of peace, the world will not be healed of the epidemic of conflict which may ultimately lead us to universal chaos.

We must respond to these new threats by a kind of partnership whose central tool will be a humanistic, moral high ground approach, rather than considerations of geopolitics and balance of power alone. A partnership wherein the pain experienced by any one state, no matter how large or small, must become a shared concern for the entire Euro-Atlantic family.

The creation of a single European space should also be viewed through the prism of "Europe with changing geometry". We refer to those regional entities that may be considered part of the European Space according to their geographic, political, legal and economic characteristics.

Let me bring to your attention the Organization of the Black Sea Cooperation (BSEC) established in 1992 in Istanbul on the initiative of Turkey, where Georgia was among the founders. Last year, during its Yalta Summit, BSEC ultimately established itself as an international regional organization. The ever increasing interest of the European and Middle Eastern countries clearly attests to the Organization's growing weight. Germany and France have even expressed interest in gaining observer status in BSEC. In just a few days, Georgia as the present BSEC Chair will host the Meeting of BSEC Foreign ministers, including observers and representatives of international organizations. I hope that the forthcoming meeting will give creative impetus to the Organization's development.

Common political and economic interests have emerged during the course of sub-regional cooperation between the Black Sea and Caspian countries. These have prompted the activation of such projects as TRASECA, INOGATE and the revival of the Ancient Silk Road. These represent a potential belt of peace and prosperity in the Euro-Asian space. Last year, during the Baku Summit, Presidents of 14 countries and representatives of international organizations signed a document declaring the New Silk Road a zone of mutual understanding and common interests.

The key part Georgia has to play in the implementation of the Silk Road project has recently become apparent. The construction of the oil pipeline following the Western route and the terminal have just been completed. The first west-bound oil tanker has been loaded with Caspian oil.

In principle, the decision has been taken on the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan big oil pipeline. The constuction of another pipeline carrying Turkmen gas to Turkey and the Western market through Azerbaijan and Georgia is also being planned

Two railway ferries connecting Georgian ports with Ukraine, the Balkans and the Danube countries are already functioning. There are other projects involving the construction of railroads and highways that will allow the passage of cargoes and large numbers of tourists.

Georgia, located on the crossroads of Europe and Asia, has already proven to be a reliable partner in the implementation of these projects. The ongoing reform in Georgia has contributed greatly to this endeavour. Despite an acute energy crisis, we have managed to revitalize several sectors of industry and agriculture. It was with this function that Georgia has entered the European system of distribution of labour, so to say.

One of the priorities of Georgia's foreign policy is to create a favourable international ambience for the full actualization of the country's cultural potential. Yet another step in this direction was made when we acceded to the European cultural convention.

We are well aware of the importance of this issue and are working towards meeting the requirements of the convention. Georgia actively participates in the work of the relevant committees of the Council of Europe. Much has been done in this respect. We are gratified that the Council's Directorate for Culture, Education and Sport is vigorously cultivating its relations with the relevant institutions in Georgia.

In February 2000, Tbilisi will host the Conference on Democracy, Market Economy and the Protection of the Cultural Heritage. We are pleased to note that Secretary-General Daniel Tarchis has shown interest in our initiative. A steering committee has been appointed, and preparations are already underway. The Ministries and other organizations and agencies that deal with education and culture are taking part in the various projects offered by the Council of Europe.

We endorse the necessity of creating in the twenty-first century Europe conditions favourable for humanization, social justice, creative self-realization and individualization.

We fully support the idea born in the Council of Europe and recommended by the committee of wise persons regarding the process of self-renovation or rather renewal.

The Council of Europe is a secure and reliable home to every nation. It is particularly precious, however, for small states, since it provides a haven wherein they can assert themselves, and are guaranteed to retain their national identities, contributing at the same time to the European and world civilizations.

To my fellow countrymen and myself, the new image of Europe is shaped by the belief that Strasbourg is as close to Tbilisi as it is to any other European capital.

With this belief in our hearts we are resolved to cooperate with the Council of Europe and the Parliamentary Assembly to bring to fruition the plan for the European order of the twenty-first century.

In this, as in any other sphere of politics, allow me to remain an incorrigible optimist.