Armed Forces and Conflict Resolution: Sociological Perspectives: Volume 7

The role of the military in society has a long history beginning with the earliest of human civilizations. Through the ages, kings, tribal leaders and politicians have encouraged their soldiers to fight enemies (real or imaginary) in the name of nationalism, religion, tribal loyalty, ideology, etc. Though the means of fighting the enemy have changed, with primitive weapons replaced by superior technologies, in some societies, particularly in poor, under-developed countries, the same old tools are used. However, there are relatively few wars between the developed countries (excepting the war on terror), and as such the role of soldiers in these societies has changed. In these countries it is peace keeping or peace making, disaster management and similar strategies that most military efforts concern. Further, military recruitment has moved away from models based on conscription, and we see more and more women serving in armed forces. The traditional understanding of the soldier, as an instrument of cruelty and sometimes torture, is being particularly questioned. Sometimes, even soldiers themselves are questioning the need to fight, whom they are fighting, and what they are fighting for. Modern modes of war and peace missions affect the physical and mental health of soldiers even though it is fought with less immediate and more technologically advanced equipment. All of these issues are affecting the social, political and economic fabric of the country tremendously. Accordingly, Military Sociology needs to be looked from broader, interdisciplinary perspectives. The papers in the book, written by distinguished scholars, are focused towards this.

The study of armed forces and conflict resolution has undergone important developments at the turn of the millennium and this has occurred not only due to the far-reaching work of scholars in the field, but, as often occurs in the social sciences, has been driven by events and new situations. It is well to recall in this regard that it was precisely the need for knowledge and intervention on the military institution that brought about the groundbreaking work done in the United States by Samuel Stouffer (see Stouffer et al., 1949) and his team after the country had entered into war, a work that gave rise to the contemporary history of sociology applied to armed forces.

This first part of the book is devoted to the forms of conflict that are characteristic of the start of the twenty-first century. As I document in the first essay, the newest and most significant form of struggle of our times is asymmetric warfare, which has had an enormous development as shown also by the great number of studies dedicated to it (see the bibliographies of the chapters focussed on this form of conflict).

The chapter deals, though the analysis of several studies on that theme, with asymmetric warfare and its nature as well as the military issues that it creates. The new techniques devised in recent years by the military intelligentsia – RMA, NCW, NEC, EBO – in fact, certainly constitute useful refinements of the military machine and perfections of its functioning that enable it to achieve the highest performance, and as such they should be appreciated. However, they appear cut out for a war reality that is only partially that of asymmetric warfare. Today, the weak side's offensive tool is man, and man is no longer a person who carries and operates a weapon but is himself a weapon who sacrifices himself to strike the adversary, and he does this because his mind has been convinced to do it. Thus, the only winning weapon in this type of contest is to intervene on the mechanisms of conditioning the minds of millions of human beings, a task that is only in small part military but is instead on a vast political scale. The military can intervene in this direction especially by making politicians understand that, in today's asymmetric warfare, victory – and the survival of Western values – can be achieved only through co-ordinated, joint political action, where the military function can consist principally in a containment action suitable for giving time to the political initiative to bear its fruits.

In asymmetrical wars the asymmetry does not refer to a quantitative difference in belligerants’ strength or power, but to the qualitative differences in means, behavioral standards, goals, and values of conflicting parties. In the asymmetrical conflicts it seems that war functions have changed.

The purpose of this paper is to put in evidence the various expertises and skills that a soldier must have to operate in such a changed context.

In order to reach this purpose, the diversity model has been applied to the new conflicts, as already used to analyze the difference between CROs and the traditional soldiers’ job. To these respect, the definition of the further evolution of the role of a soldier called upon to intervene in the new operational environments can be considered as a preliminary finding: such a soldier must always be flexible and able to operate in a Constabulary context, but with more points in common with the warrior ideal type than with the peacekeeper one. A soldier who has to be able to gear his action in terms not of “dissymmetry” but of asymmetry as defined above. This implies a perception of the qualitative as well as quantitative differences in their own characteristics and in those of the adversary. In particular behavioral style, values, and strategic culture. However, there is no question of a return to the past, but the latest evolution in the range of flexible soldier that is so important in the asymmetric conflicts.

Practical implications of this analysis are bound to offer a deeper understanding of the events concerning asymmetrical conflicts, in the education as well as training of soldiers deployed in these kinds of conflict theaters.

The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the impact of asymmetric warfare on the military profession within the context of the Ottoman period. These effects are categorized with strategic, structural, and behavioral dimensions. The Ottoman military had been a part of many unconventional/asymmetric conflicts during the Ottoman era. These experiences are showing clearly that classical officer training system is not providing necessary knowledge to command units under this type of atmosphere.

The historical event analysis is used for the methodological purpose.

First finding is that asymmetry of method, technology; morale, norms, and organization were observable during the Ottoman collapse period. Second, the reactions to the asymmetric threats were conventional at first sight. Third, the solutions were found by the officers individually not through systemic attempts and they were the results of lessons learned from personal faults. In this chapter, the Ottoman period and military was considered with the viewpoints of recent definitions of asymmetric warfare.

Analysts of armed conflict and war have noted a considerable shift in the way wars are conducted in the present. These analyses share the observations that present-day warfare includes more and more non-state actors as warring parties. Terrorist groups are also part of the (post-)modern picture of violent conflict. Within the past decade, they have increasingly relied on the instrument of suicide terrorism. Suicide attacks are an irritating phenomenon as they seem inherently irrational. The paper examines the spread of the suicide attacks in different parts of the world and identifies cross-case structures, contexts, and mechanisms that propel the use of suicide bombers.

Technology has always been one of the decisive factors, by which the outcome of conflict or war ought to be influenced without any doubt. But with Information-Communication Technology (ICT) appearance it seems the revolutionary changes began concerning conflict perception, the organisation of actors waging a war and (spatial) spheres where conflicts are taking place. The case of last Iraqi war should confirm this thesis. The main purpose of my research paper is therefore to prove that ICT has really multidimensional impacts regarding recent conflicts and wars and these impacts should be analysed with interdisciplinary approach in any case.

So my research paper based especially on strategic (defence) studies as well as on communication and sociological theory guidelines, what actually ensures a real interdisciplinary approach. Within these three basic theoretical approaches the concepts such as propaganda, perception management and information operations/warfare as well as asymmetric warfare, have also been used.

Regarding research limitations and future work to do, my proposal is focusing towards information theory and informatics science, which should also be incorporated in modern conflict analysis. Without very good knowledge of how Internet is working and what are its technical possibilities there is no change, virtual part of recent conflicts is being treated properly.

Practical implications of the paper are visible especially in the proposal (model) how recent conflicts should be treated and understood and this is not important just for strategists and intelligence personal but also for journalists, academics etc. And practical implications as well as methodology approach based on the interdisciplinary has also added the main value and originality of the paper. It must be clear that the way how reality is constructed through the ICT (what is actually the point of constructivism theory) has tremendous importance also within conflict and strategic studies.

During the period 1962-2001 (9/11), the author identified 25 terrorist acts in the English-speaking Caribbean. Apart from US action in Grenada in 1983, the extra-regional response to these acts was minimal. However, in the aftermath of 9/11, the US has introduced a number of counter-terrorist measures into the region from Washington through such agencies as Southcom, the FBI, the DEA, and the Department of Homeland Security, now including the Coast Guard, to forestall future acts of terrorism. Also the UN, the OAS, and the CARICOM, at the instigation of the US, have encouraged Caribbean nations to adopt resolutions and pass anti-terrorist legislation at the local level in the fight against terrorism. US policy toward the region is based on its own self-interest since it considers the Caribbean its “Third Border,” one that is difficult to close to security threats. In all of this, the Caribbean nations welcome the security, more so because of the incidental protection it offers to their fragile tourist-dependent economies that are sensitive to political and other threats. This coincidence of interest has seen the US merge drug-trafficking and terrorism into one consolidated threat. Traditionally, the Caribbean region has not allocated a large part of its budget to security concerns, but with external assistance, particularly from the US, the region's police and military forces have been called upon to adapt to the global threats of the post-9/11 era by strengthening operational capacity, mission readiness, and intensify regional cooperation. This new thrust also includes making border tightening security measures more comprehensive and robust as well as the sharing of information, including intelligence. As long as the US perceives the terrorist threat a priority, Caribbean security policy will continue apace.

The purpose of this chapter is to describe and analyze the operational styles of the American and Netherlands armed forces displayed in the ISAF operations in Southern Afghanistan. The aim is to ascertain if and how these differences converge as a consequence of common experiences in the area of operations. The methodology is based on written published information, as well as newspaper, and internet sources. The findings demonstrate that although there are considerable differences in operations styles between both national militaries, common experiences urge them to learn from each other, and hence to develop some sort of isomorphism in their operations. This tendency is not unique to the military. Isomorphism is a well-known phenomenon in the sociology of organizations and it relates to the idea of supranational convergence of policies, which is an important topic of study in political science. The limitations of this chapter pertain to the fact that only two national armed forces have been studied and that there is only little primary material to rely on. The practical implications are numerous. It stresses the tendency and need for national militaries, who are engaged in multinational military cooperation, to learn from each other while trying to reach for the maximum results of their endeavors. The point of isomorphism in national militaries developing as a result of common experiences has never been described before, certainly not in terms of well established concepts of the sociology of organizations and political science.

The armed forces and the societies they come from, and/or work in are related to one another in a multitude of ways (for the following see Kümmel, 2002). An adequate theoretical framework to capture the relationship between what may be termed the military world and what may be termed the world out there is offered by the systems theory as, for example, put forward in Martin Edmonds’ Armed Services and Society (Edmonds, 1990: especially 113f.). In this vein, the armed services can be conceived as a system that is distinct from its environment and is in its interacting and interdependent component parts operating on specific systems logic. Thus the system (or rather the sub-system) of the armed forces can be analyzed in terms of its relationship with its environment and with other (sub-)systems that are working and operating in this environment. One may distinguish six – to be sure: interdependent and interpenetrated – dimensions to cover the richness of civil–military relations.¹ These are: economy, finances, technology, culture, society, and politics. But the complexity of the theoretical framework has to be advanced even further. Two additional points have to be dealt with. One is that the environment of the military the world out there falls into two different spheres; a national and an international one implying that these very six dimensions have to be seen in a national/domestic as well as in an international context. The second and last point is that these various dimensions of relations between the military and society look quite different depending on the point in time they are looked upon. In other words, the time factor has to be included into the analysis. According to the scheme resulting from this tableau, research issues can be grouped. The following table gives some examples for research topics that fall into the various categories and illustrate that the study of relations between the military and the society is an interdisciplinary undertaking (Table 1).

Many European nations today are willing to give up conscription system. In some other countries a more or less heated debate on maintaining or abandoning conscription has begun. Those countries that hold conscription have significantly reduced the share of conscripts in their armed forces. In our paper, we will argue and demonstrate that conscription has in fact had its day in most European nations. The data base for this paper is twofold. On one hand, we base ourselves on data from the annually published Military Balance of the London International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS). On the other hand, we base ourselves on an expert survey among European countries that was conducted in 2001 and has been updated in the year 2005. One major reason for the move from conscript armies to all-volunteer forces seems to be due to the geopolitical changes which have taken place since the end of the Cold War. Another reason is the increasing number of regional conflicts and the ensuing operations abroad. Thirdly, Europe is undergoing a significant social change with an increasing pluralization of life styles and value cultures. The continuing individualization diminishes the willingness for an unconditional commitment to the state. This leads us to the aspect of burden-sharing equality. Where only a constantly diminishing minority of eligible and able young men is drafted, the issue of who has to serve and who does not becomes significant and can produce massive pressure to abolish conscription.

In this study the question is raised how family support should be organized so that it is as efficient and effective as can be. Exchange theory can provide an answer to this question while taking into account that the needs of individuals will differ. In the study that is presented here, generalized reciprocity is the key concept that is derived from exchange theory. All support systems, in the seven countries under study, have benefited somehow from generalized reciprocity. However, what is effective and efficient support in the perception of one individual will differ from someone else's, and also, support systems that are effective and efficient in country X will not be so in country Y. Even though benefiting from generalized reciprocity, in the end the support system has to be matched to the support arrangement, arriving at different solutions in different countries.

In this research paper, the attitudes of youth, in transition from high school to college and the adult world of work, are compared by their plans for college and military service in order to better understand the impact of self-selection and anticipatory socialization on perceptions of opportunity and equality in military work. Data are drawn from a national survey of US high school seniors and from a sample of students entering their freshman year at the US Naval Academy. The results highlight the effects of both self-selection and anticipatory socialization on the attitudes youth express about the military work and have potential implications for military recruiting and personnel policy.

This paper explores the relations between the military and civil society in Korea over the past few decades. In this paper, two models for civil–military relations, i.e., the integration model and the segregation model are proposed and contrasted. In the integration model, the military maximizes components common to civilian society whereas in the segregation model the military community maintains a certain distance from civilian society highlighting specific features of the military institution. Over the years, the Korean military has moved from segregation to integration with civil society by incorporating civilian values and norms, and by adopting the logic of civilian organization to the military. This paper argues that old solutions seem no longer acceptable to the public in Korea. It stresses that cooperation with the local community is very important for the stable deployment of military units. This paper suggests that general and military-specific features should be compromised on the occasion of selecting policy alternatives.

In 2004 a military agreement between the US and the Paraguayan government with the objective of strengthening the democratization process in this South American country came into effect. With immunity granted to the American forces, both armed forces carried out humanitarian operations and joint exercises. These joint exercises were principally concerned with combating local insurgent and terrorist groups. Paraguay's geo-political position in South America with its important natural resources and the existence of strong social movements in the country leave the observer to doubt the underlying reasons and hence the positive effects of democratization in the face of the disputable practices of the military. This article analyzes the short-term impact on civil society.

The relations between the Latin American states and their armed forces have been a special one at all times. In this region the military played and still plays a major political role. But the political role of the military has changed several times during the last century. These changes were forced by social movements, new patterns of thought, the USA or the Cuban Revolution. During the years, the military had different self-perceptions, which caused in a lot of interventions and military dictatorships. Today, it seems that democracy is well accepted throughout Latin America, but the military still has possibilities of influence.

In their effort to rebuild the society of the host-nation, military organizations depend on collaboration and communication with other international contingents and the local population. Language understanding in this regard is of eminent importance. Linguistic skills and the intervention of interpreters could contribute to the inter-communicational process, and hence positively affect the general effectiveness of the mission as a whole. In this article theoretical concepts and notions are illustrated with empirical observations from everyday military practice during peace-support operations. The article concludes with avenues for future research.

The chapters in this section deal with issues of peace: the relative success of measures that are being used and the mechanisms that need to be considered more systematically. The authors critically discuss various operationalization of violence, and they present challenges and prospects for building peace. The section begins with two chapters by Maya Beasley and Iwan Sujatmiko; they describe attempts by governments to resolve conflicts as a way of establishing peace. Following these, two chapters by Don Eberly and Syed Mansoob Murshed discuss civil society institutions that are important for building peace. The last chapter in this section, by Bandana Purkayastha, discusses activist attempts to mitigate violence and build peace.

Purpose: The majority of academic and policy studies on counterterrorism rely on what is termed “the terror stock model.” According to this model, terrorist activity can be viewed as a product of a stock of terror: a combination of human, physical, and monetary resources needed to launch terrorist attacks. Consequently, countering terrorism is a matter of reducing the capacity of terrorist organizations to operate via direct assaults on terrorists themselves. Defining terrorism as a form of collective action, this article examines how various Israeli initiatives influence Palestinian acts of terrorism.

Method: This paper investigates how the rate of suicide terror attempts is affected by violent, non-violent, and socioeconomic forms of initiatives by the Israeli government between 2000 and 2006 using a series of event-history analyses. While directly addressing the efficacy of what the Israeli government terms as its methods of counterterrorism – violent repression of insurgents and terror suspects – it also explores the applicability of various social movement theories to exact a more accurate awareness of what activities actually incite or inhibit terrorism.

Findings: The results indicate that while certain forms of repression that the Israeli government identifies as counter-terrorist measures (such as killing of insurgents and detentions) have the intended outcome – a lower rate of suicide bombings – other forms and measures of repression have mixed effects. The results suggest that suicide bombings can be explained at least partly by a mixture of increased hostility, limited capacity to mobilize, and socioeconomic distress.

Purpose: The violent conflict in Ambon, Indonesia (1999–2002) – which claimed more than 2,000 lives – occurred when a dominant ethnic group (Ambonese) was challenged by new ethnic groups (non-Ambonese: Bugis, Butonese, and Makassarese). The conflict intensified and evolved into a religious one between the Christians (mostly Ambonese) and the Moslems, consisting of Ambonese and the non-Ambonese. The absence of a long-term societal re-integration strategy that emphasized on the management of group diversities had resulted in a pseudo or fragile integration that led to societal disintegration. Following the regime change in 1998, a violent communal conflict or “politics by other means” occurred since the conduciveness of the local situation was related to national politics.

Method: Using Ambon as a Case Study, the chapter analyzes the trajectory of the conflict and its resolution.

Findings: The conflict grew more extensive ever since the failure of the state, particularly the police and the military that became partisans in order to protect their families or to benefit from security businesses. The peace building efforts took in several stages involving various social organizations as well as governments at the local and the national level. These processes were facilitated by general election or “war by other means” that transformed the violent conflicts to non-violent competition or from bullet to ballot.

Purpose: National business groups in conflict countries may mitigate the civil war or do the converse. When the economy is mainly point-sourced, which means it mainly exports mineral-based products and/or narcotics, the business community (apart from small-businesses associated with services) is likely to be more pro-war, particularly, if the other side may gain control of the lootable commodities, as in secessionist wars. This tendency will be reinforced the closer are business and political ties, shorter the time horizons are and more difficult it is to make credible commitments to peace. If the economy exports mainly agricultural products excluding those mentioned above or manufactures (diffuse or manufacturing) the commercial case for peace is stronger because of the diffused nature of the core business activity. Even so, there will be some groups who profit from war contracts and arms deals. The peace lobby is likely to dominate in societies where business and political actors are more sharply separated, as well as in countries that have longer time horizons and better institutions of commitment. The pro-peace business lobby may have a stronger case in secessionist wars compared to rebellions, as the former are more likely to be longer and more intractable to purely military solutions.

Purpose: This chapter presents a brief overview of national youth service (NYS) in different countries around the world. NYS offers an alternative to military service in many countries.

Method: The chapter traces the development and growth of diverse NYS schemes, and their relative success.

Findings: The chapter argues that with continued support for NYS programs countries can harness youthful energy and power to invest in a number of social, economic, and environmental programs that serve as building blocks for sustaining peace.

Purpose: Since the middle of the 20th century, much of the literature on conflict resolution has focused on ways to manage and diffuse conflicts, but there have been recent efforts to include peacebuilding and sustaining processes in these studies. The discussions on peace have, inevitably, raised questions about the definition of violence: there are dissenting ideas about the boundary between violence and peace. Traditionally, the literature on violence focuses on ethnic conflicts, wars, terrorism, and the results of such armed conflicts. This chapter illustrates other “debates” about violence and peace, by focusing on the discourse and explicit activism “in the field.”

Method: The chapter draws on archival sources for examples of protests, discursive politics, and human rights activism.

Findings: The chapter highlights, the ways in which more conventional ideas about violence, and the boundaries between peace and violence have been challenged. It focuses on women's and women-dominated activism to highlight the role of actors whose explicit and unobtrusive actions are not systematically recognized as we study efforts to build and sustain peace.