Access to gifted education among African-American and Latino males

Defining and identifying giftedness

Various definitions of “gifted and talented” exist, and consequently, may create confusion about who is gifted and how to identify students as gifted. The federal definition, according to the No Child Left Behind Act (2002), stated:

The term “gifted and talented,” when used with respect to students, children, or youth, means students, children, or youth who give evidence of high achievement capability in such areas as intellectual, creative, artistic, or leadership capacity, or in specific academic fields, and who need services or activities not ordinarily provided by the school in order to fully develop those capabilities.

The definition, according to the National Association of Gifted Children (NAGC) (2018), indicates:

Gifted individuals are those who demonstrate outstanding levels of aptitude (defined as an exceptional ability to reason and learn) or competence (documented performance or achievement in top 10 per cent or rarer) in one or more domains. Domains include any structured area of activity with its own symbol system (e.g., mathematics, music, language) and/or set of sensorimotor skills (e.g., painting, dance, sports).

Although these definitions are similar, a federal mandate for gifted education does not exist. As a result, each state has developed its own definition of giftedness and established minimum standards for gifted education programming (Ford, 1998). A lack of consensus in defining giftedness still exists among state policymakers and the majority of states use intelligence and achievement tests to identify students (McClain and Pfeiffer, 2012). To this end, McClain and Pfeiffer (2012) found that approximately half of all states mandate gifted education policies for identifying students from underrepresented groups; however, the tests and procedures used were unclear.

When examining racial/ethnic and gender disparities in gifted education, it is imperative that educators take into account how states, districts and schools define giftedness. Identification criteria, such as the use of intellectual ability and achievement tests, may limit students from racially, culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds from being classified, due to inherent cultural loading and linguistic demand (Ford, 1998; Ford and Whiting, 2007; Ortiz and Ochoa, 2005). Nonetheless, most school districts widely use standardized tests to consider students for gifted and talented programs (Ford et al., 2009; Romanoff et al., 2009). Using intelligence tests as the criterion for giftedness ignores all other domains in the definitions of gifted and talented (e.g., creative, artistic and leadership ability), thereby restricting who can access gifted education. Teacher nomination is also a commonly used practice to identify gifted students (Moore and Flowers, 2012; Moore et al., 2005); however, this method is subjective, and deficit views or implicit bias may prevent African-American and Latino boys from being referred for a gifted evaluation (McBee, 2006; Speirs Neumeister et al., 2007). Speirs Neumeister et al. (2007) found that even after teachers received professional development training on identifying gifted students, their definitions of giftedness remained narrow.

Hargrove and Seay (2011) found that White teachers believed that the African-American community does not value intellectual giftedness. It is highly likely that this belief system is a barrier to participation in gifted education among African-American males. The authors also found that, compared to teachers of color, White teachers did not believe teachers’ inability to recognize indicators of potential giftedness, acknowledge standardized test bias, recognize prejudicial teachers’ attitudes, understand the negative impacts of narrow screening processes and recognize teachers’ fears about “watering down” the gifted curriculum by including underrepresented children, served as barriers to participation in gifted programs among males of color. These findings demonstrate the lack of acknowledgment of the impact of teachers’ bias and test unfairness, and deficit views often held by teachers. The absence of appropriate teacher training in cultural responsiveness and in identifying the characteristics of gifted students contributes to deficit thinking and the under-referral of African-American and Latino boys (Ford and Moore, 2004; Ford and Whiting, 2007).

Opportunity gap among African-American and Latina/o students

African-American and Latina/o students face significant challenges throughout the US public education system. Recent data, from the US Department of Education Office for Civil Rights (US DOE OCR) (2016), highlight the opportunity gaps between males of color and their White counterparts. School influences students’ educational and career trajectories and inequitable opportunities track African-American and Latina/o students, particularly males, into stratified roles (Allen, 2015). Through the use of suspensions beginning at the preschool level, African-American and Latino males encounter messages that reinforce the notion of school being an unwelcoming place, which may subsequently adversely affect their academic performance (Allen, 2015). Although African-American boys represented 19 per cent of male preschool enrollment in the 2013-2014 school year, they still comprised 45 per cent of male preschool children receiving one or more out of school suspensions (US DOE OCR, 2016). This discrepancy was also present at the K-12 level, as African-American boys comprised 18 per cent of one or more out of school suspensions, compared to 6 per cent of all K-12 students (US DOE OCR, 2016).

For Latina/o students at the preschool level, in the 2010-2011 school year, they comprised 29 per cent of school enrollment and 20 per cent of students suspended out of school more than once. When compared to White preschool enrollment of 43 per cent, only 26 per cent of students were suspended out of school more than once. Suspension as a disciplinary method is ineffective and particularly, at the preschool level, is problematic for all students, as it is associated with adverse developmental, health and educational outcomes (US Department of Health and Human Services, 2018). Latino males were also suspended at greater rates than White students were; 7 per cent versus 5 per cent (US DOE OCR, 2016). Thus, this process of exclusion starts early in these students’ academic career and is associated with negative outcomes, such as dropping out, retention, involvement in the juvenile justice system, underemployment and incarceration (American Civil Liberties Union, 2008).

Moreover, in the area of college and career readiness, similar data indicated that African-American and Latina/o students received less access to high-level mathematics and science courses. For instance, 33 per cent of high schools with enrollment of over 75 per cent African-American and Latina/o students offer calculus classes compared to 56 per cent of high schools with enrollment of less than 25 per cent Black and Latino students (US DOE OCR, 2016). Access to gifted and talented programs and Advanced Placement (AP) courses has also been shown to be limited. African-American and Latina/o students make up 42 per cent of student enrollment in schools that offered gifted programming, but only 28 per cent are enrolled. Similarly, representation of African-American and Latina/o students in schools that offer AP courses was 38 per cent per cent, yet 29 per cent of these students enrolled in at least one AP course (US DOE OCR, 2016). Access and enrollment in programs, such as gifted and talented education and AP courses, show positive correlations with college readiness and success (Rose, 2013). Mattern et al. (2009) found that higher AP performance was related to higher first-year college grade point average, higher retention rates in the second year of college, and attendance at highly selective institutions. More importantly, these findings echo the importance of providing equitable access to all students, so they have the opportunity to become college and career ready.

Furthermore, the quality of teachers varies significantly, as it relates to student demographics. The OCR data (2016) suggest that 11 per cent of Black students and 9 per cent of Latina/o students attended schools where more than 20 per cent of teachers were in their first year of teaching compared to 5 per cent of white students. Reduced access to a school counselor was also found; Latina/o and African-American students were, respectively, 1.4 times and 1.2 times as likely to attend a school with a school resource officer but not with a school counselor, compared to White students. These disparities create negative consequences for Latina/o and African-American students. Therefore, the role of teachers and school counselors cannot be underestimated in preparing African-American and Latina/o students for college.

Gifted African-American males

It is well documented that African-American males tend to encounter educational experiences that may lead to dismal outcomes. The national graduation rate for African-American males, in the 2012-2013 school year, is strikingly low at 59 per cent compared to 80 per cent of White males (Schott Foundation for Public Education, 2015). These graduation trends provide evidence of the impact of the obstacles these students face. Giftedness is an area where African-American males have been historically underrepresented and the implications of being left out of gifted education and, in turn, missing out on opportunities to reach their full academic potential (Ford and King, 2014). Nonetheless, many African-American gifted males experience success and demonstrate resilience in the face of hindrances.

Winsler et al. (2013) found that African-American boys who started kindergarten with greater cognitive, language, fine motor and behavioral readiness skills were more likely to be identified for gifted programming. Thus, attending public school prekindergarten programs increased the chances of being identified as gifted compared to attendance at community-based preschool programs. These findings have implications for preschool enrollment and the type and quality of preschool program in which African-American boys enroll. It is important that these students enroll in preschool; furthermore, a rigorous preschool curriculum should be used to provide African-American boys with essential school readiness skills. School context may also influence long-term outcomes, such as college enrollment and degree attainment. Attending an urban school decreases the likelihood of attaining a bachelor’s degree, whereas attendance at a private school has the most influence on bachelor’s degree attainment among gifted African-American males (Rose, 2013). This educational outcome is not surprising, when considering the state of urban public schools. Such school systems tend to have less qualified teachers and low access to high-level math and science courses, gifted programs and AP courses (Moore and Lewis, 2012, 2014; US DOE OCR, 2016).

Students who enter gifted programs early in their academic career may remain in these programs and reap increased benefits as they advance each grade. Grantham (2004) found that an African-American male who entered gifted classes in first grade benefited from positive relationships with his peers and teachers. The accelerated curriculum also exposed him to unique educational experiences that his non-gifted peers did not have, including field trips to learn more about certain subjects and taking advanced courses, such as completing eighth-grade mathematics as a seventh grader.

An earlier study by Graham and Anderson (2008) found that the gifted African-American males were high-achieving students that possessed the ability to do well in the future. Their parents emphasized the relevance of school as it related to racial identity development by discussing common barriers African-American males face in society and how education may provide increased opportunities for success. In addition, the African-American male participants’ teachers believed in their capability and developed strong connections with them. Similarly, African-American males, in Allen’s (2015) study, viewed school as a means for moving toward upward mobility and success. The parents of the participants engaged in racial socialization practices, which provided positive messages of racial pride and an understanding of potential barriers in society associated with race and racism. The parents frequently discussed how people look down on others because of the color of their skin and encouraged them to use such beliefs as a motivator to work harder. The Black male participants also appreciated teachers that held high expectations for them, provided rigorous academic instruction and felt it would prepare them for the demands of college.

The experience of gifted Black males is not always positive as McGee (2013) encountered in her study. The males reported being subjected to stereotypical views from their peers and teachers and responded by ignoring them and working to prove others wrong. However, these experiences came with psychological and emotional costs as the African-American males experienced self-doubt about their ability and anxiety from constantly working to prove stereotypes wrong. These same students also experienced limited access to advanced coursework because their school only offered one AP class. Despite these negative experiences, the students persevered in school and maintained academic success.

Gifted Latino males

The national graduation rate for Latino males, in the 2012-2013 school year, was 65 per cent compared to 80 per cent of White males (Schott Foundation for Public Education, 2015). In the scientific literature, minimal research has examined the experiences of gifted Latino males; to date, two empirical studies have specifically explored this population (Carrillo, 2013; Hébert, 1996). Thus, in this section, we focus on extant research on high-achieving Latino males in particular and Latino males in general. Similar to African-American males, Latino males are highly represented in urban public schools comprised with unqualified teachers and limited access to advanced academics (Clark et al., 2013; US DOE OCR, 2016).

In Hébert’s (1996) study of gifted Latino males, he identified numerous factors that contributed to the resilience of these young men. More specifically, the Latino males discussed the support they received from their family and how it motivated them to be successful. They also shared how they watched their parents struggle and make sacrifices so that they could have access to educational opportunities. School personnel, including athletic coaches and school counselors, were also seen as supportive and role models. The Latino males also aspired to graduate college and have a professional career, which motivated them to continue to work hard.

In a retrospective qualitative study by Carrillo (2013), the Latino males reflected on their educational experiences. One participant, David, indicated that he was an honors student but did not meet the requirements to get into a state university and ended up attending a community college. In addition, Carlos, another participant, was nurtured at a gifted elementary school but felt marginalized as he transitioned to secondary school because his intelligence was not recognized and affirmed. He recalled the implicit bias he experienced by his teachers, resulting in him spending endless hours in the library to develop his intelligence. Furthermore, these Latino males challenged how their schools celebrated giftedness, which conflicted with how others perceived them as inadequate. To this end, they demonstrated resilience in attaining academic success while staying true to their social and cultural identities as Latino males.

Generally speaking, high-achieving Latino males attribute their academic success to multiple factors, including involvement with church and other extracurricular activities, a strong ethnic identity and support from family (Garrett et al., 2010). Garrett et al. (2010) found that church and extracurricular participation served as protective factors for these males as they gained social capital through the networks they built with others, and these activities occupied their time, preventing them from indulging in non-productive, problematic endeavors. In addition, the Latino males expressed pride and held a strong ethnic identity, which they used to dispel stereotypes about them and other people of color. Comparable to the experiences of African-American males discussed earlier, the Latino males witnessed the sacrifices and struggles of their families, which inspired them to work hard and achieve more. Unfortunately, they did not experience the level of support they desired from their teachers. They wanted caring and meaningful relationships from their teachers; however, they did not feel that their teachers demonstrated interest in being mentors or role models.